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Corruption Eradication
Aulia Pohan to Receive KPK Detainee Jumpsuit
The jumpsuit is a recent addition to KPK's array of corruption fighting instruments.
Selasa, 2 Desember 2008, 15:17 WIB
Ramona Sofianne Dewi, Archie Ardian
Corruption suspects' uniform design (wordpress.com)
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VIVAnews – Aulia Tantowi Pohan, along with three other former Bank Indonesia Deputy Governors who were recently arrested for their alleged roles in the Bank Indonesia Liquidity Assistance corruption case, will soon receive new attires, tailored for their current condition as suspects of corruption. The new outfit: “KPK detainee jumpsuit.”

The regulation has been in effect since 1 September 2008. “We will immediately send [the outfit] to the last four suspects,” said head of Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), Antasari Azhari, at the KPK building, Jakarta, Monday, Dec. 1.

The KPK detainee jumpsuit is a recent addition to KPK's array of corruption fighting instruments. “It's been legalized based on the Deputy of Countermeasure's decree, no B-40/20/XI/2008,” said Antasari.

The idea behind the design is that it would show the identity of the detainee and yet it would be appropriate for a court hearing. "The concept for the detainee jumpsuits are done, we have a model, which would bear their identity [as corruption suspect], but would still be acceptable in court," said the Deputy for Prevention of the KPK, M. Jasin in the KPK building of Jakarta, Monday, Dec. 1.

The Commission's spokesperson, Johan Budi SP, added that the jumpsuits would be blue. The front will bear the suspects’ number while the back would bear the words “Tahanan KPK” ("KPK detainee”). The model will be different for male and female," Johan explained.

According to Jasin, the commission is trying to figure out how to make the attire effective. "They are to be used at least when attending a legal hearing," he explained.

According to Antasari, the use of this special uniform for KPK detainees have been implemented since at least two months ago. “The rest has already [been given the uniform], two months ago. Now, we will immediately send some to the Brimob detention center,” said Antasari.

Aulia Pohan and Maman H. Soemantri are currently being held at Police Mobile Brigade's (Brimob) detention center at Kelapa Dua, Depok, East Java, where several other corruption suspects are being held. Meanwhile Bun Bunan Hutapea and Aslim Tadjudin are currently being held Indonesian Police Headquarters' Criminal Investigation Unit's cell, Jakarta.
At this time KPK detainees are being held at various detention centers, cells and prisons in and around Jakarta. The use of those jumpsuits, Jasin continued, would be more effective when all of the detainees are in one detention center. "If we have our own detention center, then we would have more freedom," he said.

All KPK detainees would be required to wear the jumpsuit. Antasari said that the Commission has already informed all detention centers where KPK detainees are being held, regarding the regulation. “We asked all detention centers to have our detainees wear the detainee uniform,” he said.

Aulia Pohan, who is also President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's in-law, fits the bill to wear this suit, because he is, at this time, facing charges for the Bank Indonesia Liquidity Assistance corruption case. Aulia, along with the three other former Bank Indonesia deputy Governors, were accused of abusing funds of Rp 100 billion (approx. US$8.3million) from the Indonesian Banking Development Foundation.

Their collective arrest on 27 November 2007 marked a climactic moment in the Bank Indonesia Liquidity Assistance (BLBI) corruption case.


VIVAnews writers Arry Anggadha and Yudho Rahardjo contributed to this article
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Friday, November 06, 2009
KPK vs Polisi
Kasus KPK vs Polri ini buat saya membuktikan beberapa hal, terutama betapa besarnya kekuatan online sekarang ini, yang sudah dijadikan alternatif untuk menyuarakan suara rakyat. Dukungan yang begitu besar diberikan untuk Bibit dan Chandra ketika Polisi menahan mereka via Facebook. Pagi ini ketika dicek, sudah ada lebih dari 900.000 pendukung di Facebook.
Waw....
Mungkin ada benarnya juga ketika seorang narasumber di TVOne kemarin bilang, rakyat berpaling ke media online karena sudah tidak percaya kepada wakil dan pemerintah. Rakyat punya alternatif untuk menyuarakan pendapat mereka...dan itu mempunyai efek yang luar biasa besar. Snowball efect.
Tapi ketika Bibit-Chandra sudah ditangguhkan penahanannya, Anggodo bernyanyi di TVOne, Kapolri datang ke DPR, saya kok berpikiran apakah kita semua, termasuk saya, terlalu cepat untuk menilai sesuatu tanpa melihat sisi lainnya?
Harusnya disini peran media. Memberikan informasi sebanyak-banyaknya, dari berbagai sisi, untuk membiarkan penilaian ada di tangan masyarakat. Yang harus dijunjung tinggi adalah bukan hasil akhir...tapi prosesnya...(yeah...look at myself...)
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Tuesday, November 3, 2009
KPK vs POLRI : Conspiracy and impunity?
Author: Admin | Posted at: 8:00 AM | Filed Under: Current Affairs

If we were talking before about any possibilities which will bring Indonesian President to be underfired over corruption case between KPK and POLRI, today we talk about the case and its relativs to conspiracy and impunity. The report was taken from The Jakartapost. Below is the report fully.

More than just a regular criminal case, the arrest of two members of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has evoked a public outcry towards the pervasive culture of impunity and suspicions of blatant fraud in the justice system. The Jakarta Post's Rendi A. Witular digs deeper in this two-page special report into a case which has spun a web of deceit that may well implicate several state offices.

"I'm the granddaddy of wiretapping!" boasted National Police chief detective Comr. Susno Duadji in a voice recording obtained by the Post made during his meeting with KPK deputy chairman M. Jasin and his staff in early October.

Susno's remark was a boastful shot back at KPK officials, after Susno discovered he was being wiretapped by them over suspicions of demanding a bribe from businessman Boedi Sampoerna to retrieve the latter's US$18 million in savings from a legal limbo in Bank Century .

Almost boastful, Susno in the recording said the wiretaps could have remained concealed if the KPK had been more competent. With tongue-in-cheek he suggests perhaps KPK could use police wiretapping facilities and training.

For Susno, that meeting was a brief moment of triumph in the saga which many have described as a witch-hunt against the commission which has now seen two of its deputy chairmen -Chandra M. Hamzah and Bibit Samad Rianto-hurriedly detained on Thursday on allegations of abuse of power, bribery and extortion involving businessman Anggoro Widjojo.

While individuals like Susno may be currently in the spotlight, critics suggest that police may not have gotten so gung-ho had the momentum not been there. A climate of permissiveness was created by a conjunction of interests of high-ranking officials, politicians, law enforcers, and businessmen.

Bibit claims the assault on KPK is a consequence of a convergence of political and business interests.

"First, the elite political community were unhappy with the KPK, which had disrupted their activities. Then it was the business community," the retired police general told the Post last week.

The fact that KPK was on top of many a hate-list is no surprise. No less than 152 politicians were implicated on various graft charges. They even had the "audacity'" to shame the first family by putting the father-in-law of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's eldest son Agus Harimurti up on charges of corruption.

The Commission also uncovered "case-brokering" practices at the Attorney General's Office, sending a prosecutor and a high-profile broker to jail while implicating other high-ranking prosecutors.

But the spark which ignited the blaze the fuel surrounding KPK looks to be the bribery case involving then politician Yusuf Emir Faisal and Anggoro Widjojo.

A crackdown of Anggoro's company PT Masaro Radiokom led the commission to uncover evidence of a string of bribery allegation involving politicians, government officials and law enforcers. Masaro is the regular telecommunications contractor for the police, the military and the intelligence agencies.

At the same time, KPK was also investigating allegations of bribery involving lawmakers in the election of then central bank senior deputy governor Miranda Goeltom.

The case may yet implicate the son of a high-profile Chinese-descendant businessman known to have close ties with police and military officers as well as Yudhoyono's inner circle.

Another sensitive case being investigated revolves around the Bank Century fiasco, in which a peripheral event led to the wiretapping of Susno.

Chandra and Bibit were at the center of these investigations, making them a primary target for any outside attempt to suspend investigations.

The window of opportunity opened when then KPK chairman Antasari Azhar, currently being indicted in the murder of businessman Nasruddin Zulkarnaen, claimed that KPK officials were taking kickbacks from Anggoro.

Sources close to Bibit and Chandra allege that Antasari was eager to incriminate his deputies to ensure prosecutors would be lenient when forwarding charges before the court.

Police then claimed that the bribe money was handed to Chandra and Bibit by middlemen Ari Muladi and Edi Soemarsono.

Ari has since retracted his statement concerning the accusation.

With the case becoming weaker, a new one was quickly constructed, that of abuse of power, in slapping a travel ban on Anggoro, and later attempted extortion for revoking it.

"The allegations are so weak. There are so many loopholes leading us to conclude that the case was fabricated," said Chandra and Bibit's lawyer Ahmad Rivai.

While Susno refuses to comment over the issue, National Police chief Bambang Hendarso Danuri denied suggestions of fabricating evidence, contending that the allegations can and will be substantiated in court.

But the case may be unraveling more quickly than anticipated.

"I can confirm that there's a senior police officer whose name I cannot disclose, who came to the KPK to confess about the fabrication," Bibit told the Post.

The senior detective, who was involved in the investigation, was so troubled about the extent of the cover-up that out of his own free will he personally confessed about conspiracy at the KPK office.

The disbelief over the validity of the case against Bibit and Chandra was reinforced by the existence of a voice recording between police officials and members of the Attorney General's Office to fabricate evidence to implicate the the KPK members.

The recordings allegedly involve a conversation between Anggoro Widjojo, Anggodo Widjojo, a high-ranking AGO official and another unidentified official. Anggodo is the brother of graft suspect Anggoro.

Curiously, the President was referred to at least three times, referenced as "RI-1".

Yudhoyono has personally, and through his spokesman Dino Patti Djalal, denied involvement in any cover-up.

However questions persist as references to either Yudhoyono or his inner circle continue to crop up, undermining claims of neutrality.

The latest involves another recording between Susno, prosecutors and other officials inferring the First Lady by reference of "Blue Sky" during a call about Bank Century.

Susno has refused to comment over the issue.

As the case builds up - both for and against Bibit and Chandra -the political reverberations grow stronger.

"We can say that the elite is trying to seek impunity for past and future misdeeds by strangling the KPK," said lawyer and activist Taufik Basari, who is also legal advisor to Chandra and Bibit.

Additional reporting by Ika Krismantari


Technorati Tags: KPK vs POLRI,Antasari Azhar,Susno Duadji,Bibit - Chandra,KPK Leaders
1 comments:

main-conspiracies on November 22, 2009 1:28 AM said...

Kisah Cicak Vs Buaya ini seperti Epos Mahabharata Modern. Mengingat "Kurawa" yang dihadapi sangatlah besar maka mari kita dukung KPK agar alur skenario ini tidak seperti yang diharapkan sang sutradara, namun endingnya bisa seperti kisah Mahabharata yang kita ketahui bahwa si Pendawa atau KPK bisa menang melawan Kejahatan arus besar ini..

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POLRI - Indonesian National Police

POLRI, the Indonesian National Police, was incorporated into the armed forces in 1964 during the Sukarno era. Under Suharto steps were taken to militarise the Police by means of the National Defence Law of 1982 and the Police Law of 1997. As part of ABRI, the Police Force assumed all aspects of military structure, including ranks, budget, duties and even wage structure. The 1997 Law placed POLRI within the integral command structure of ABRI. On 01 April 1999, POLRI was separated from ABRI, the Indonesian armed forces. Although POLRI has been separated from ABRI, it remains under the jurisdiction of the Defence Minister, General Wiranto.

By 1993 POLRI was responsible for arresting and interrogating suspects, while a special POLRI force was responsible for dealing with street demonstrations. The BRIMOB (Brigade Mobil, Mobile Brigade), the most militarised force in POLRI, was trained to deal with mass demonstrations. Since the May 1998 upheaval, PHH (Pasukan Anti Huru-Hara, Anti Riot Unit) have received special anti-riot training.

Since 1945 Indonesia's National Police organization has been a national force, financed, directed, and organized by the central government. The strength of the national police force in 1992 was around 180,000. Its main duties were to maintain public order and security. Like the other armed services, the police considered themselves to be a social force active in national development, and therefore they participated in the armed services' civic missions.

The commander bore the title of police chief and was the highest ranking uniformed police officer in the nation. He was assisted by a deputy police chief. Police headquarters in Jakarta included a staff and several separate administrative bodies that handled specialized police functions. The police had its own territorial organization made up of seventeen jurisdictions, each of which was known as a Police Regional Command (Polda). Each Polda was administratively subdivided at the district, subdistrict, and village level. Polda Metrojaya, which had responsibility for the metropolitan Jakarta area, was subdivided into precincts, sections, and police posts. It was commonly referred to as the Jakarta Raya Metropolitan Regional Police.

Each Polda had its headquarters in a provincial capital and was assigned police units varying in strength and composition according to the needs dictated by the characteristics of the area. These forces were organized as city police forces or rural units and were under the operational command of the Polda commander, who in turn was directly responsible to national police headquarters. All police elements were charged with supporting the local government in their areas.

Functionally, the police were organized into a number of specialized elements. The largest of these was the uniformed police, which included both the general police, who performed conventional police duties relating to the control and prevention of crime and protection of property, and the traffic police, who patrolled the nation's roadways and supervised the licensing of drivers and the registration of motor vehicles. Also part of the uniformed force were the women police, who specialized in social matters and the welfare of women and children. Elite units of special police were employed to enforce order in terrorist situations beyond the capability of the regular forces. These units were better armed and more mobile than the general police and lived in separate barracks under more rigid discipline. These police wore the same uniform as other police but were distinguished by special badges.

A small unit of Sea and Air Police patrolled the national waters and airspace, providing tactical aid to other elements by regulating traffic, guarding against smuggling and the theft of fish, and supplying transport. The unit was also active in disaster relief. Its equipment included a few helicopters and light airplanes and various small seacraft.

Plainclothes police were assigned primary responsibility for criminal investigations, especially in complex cases or in cases involving several jurisdictions. They also handled forensics, intelligence, security, and the technical aspects of crime fighting, such as fingerprinting and identification.

One of the oldest National Police units was the Mobile Brigade, formed in late 1945. It was originally assigned the tasks of disarming remnants of the Japanese Imperial Army and protecting the chief of state and the capital city. It fought in the revolution, and its troops took part in the military confrontation with Malaysia in the early 1960s and in the conflict in East Timor in the mid-1970s. In 1981 the Mobile Brigade spawned a new unit called the Explosive Ordnance Devices Unit.

In 1992 the Mobile Brigade was essentially a paramilitary organization trained and organized on military lines. It had a strength of about 12,000. The brigade was used primarily as an elite corps for emergencies, aiding in police operations that required units to take quick action. The unit was employed in domestic security and defense operations and was issued special riot-control equipment. Elements of the force were also trained for airborne operations.

Police recruits were volunteers. Applicants were required to have at least a sixth-grade education and to pass a competitive examination. Other qualifications included physical fitness and good moral character. After three years' service as ordinary police, personnel with junior secondary-school diplomas could enter training to become NCOs. Those with three years' experience as NCOs were eligible for further training to enable them to become candidate officers and eventually enter the officer corps. Most higher ranking officers entered the force as graduates of the Police Division of Akabri.

Advanced training in vocational and technical subjects was available for regular police, for NCOs, and for officers. Promotions were often based on performance in advanced education. The Police Command and Staff School offered advanced training to police officers assigned to command units at the subdistrict, district, and Polda level. Training there focused on administration and logistics.




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Friday, February 5, 2010

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